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Great Power Competition Begins in the Classroom

Countering China’s Influence through Education Initiatives in Africa

(Photo: Ugandan high school student learning Mandarin in school)

CPT Ryan Hooper


Education is the starting point for growth, opportunity, and peace. Education is necessary for stability and a society’s best defense against destitution, oppression, and conflict. Education, as a means, can also be used to weaponize and leverage influence in ways against America’s national security interests. Civil Affairs (CA) forces should not only be concerned about using education as a form of foreign and humanitarian assistance as the United States military and diplomats rightfully have in the past, but CA forces should also be attentive to the kind of education being taught abroad and across differing socioeconomic statuses and who is influencing it.

Throughout the globe, education has long been a battleground for influencing the next generation of citizens. In America, there have been million-dollar campaigns for local school board elections, packed school board meetings, and constant fighting over school curriculum and policy in the last few years.1 The American people care about what is taught in schools because Americans know how important it is in developing children and society’s future. If CA forces are tasked with influencing the civil component of the operational environment, then the educational assessment of local populations must be a priority.

Competitors in the so-called Great Power Competition have certainly prioritized education and no one has taken this to more dramatic measures than the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). In their 2016 Education Action Plan for China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the Ministry of Education of the People’s Republic of China committed to “shoulder as many responsibilities and honour as many commitments as possible, and to make a greater contribution to the development of education”2 in their cooperating countries. To understand the importance of winning the competition for influence in the global classroom and the consequences of losing, this article will focus on China’s educational endeavors and investments on the African continent. For purposes of this article, the definition of “invest” will not be limited to the economic or financial assistance sense, but will also include human, social, and political aspects as well.

Africa represents the next battleground for America and CA forces in the Great Power Competition. Experts predict that Africa will double in population by 2050 encompassing 30% of the world’s population. As Colonel Joe Bruhl puts it, “Africa will play a central role in the next century — demographically, economically, and politically — whether the United States likes it or not.”3 The education of this burgeoning population will have significant consequences far beyond its borders. Influencing these future generations of Africans won’t be easy as a recent African Youth Survey shows young Africans viewing Chinese involvement as more positively than American involvement. However, there is still potential for American influence to win in Africa as values such as democracy, free speech, equality under the law, etc. are highly desired over alternative styles of government amongst the youth populations.4 If American influence is to succeed, CA forces must have a presence in all domains – especially in the human domain represented here in education.

Education in Africa

In Africa’s 54 countries, there exists a diverse educational ecosystem that throughout its history has often experienced turmoil and grave challenges. Of the challenges seen recently, armed conflict and humanitarian emergencies such as the Covid-19 pandemic, have caused the largest threats to education in the region.

The world is currently facing some of its highest rates of attacks on education in modern times. From Ukraine to Afghanistan, millions of students have recently had their education disrupted due to the increase of conflict and violence in their countries. However, in Africa, this level of violence and disruption in education has been consistent and pervasive throughout the region. In their Education Under Attack 2022 study, the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack found that schools, students, and teachers in Africa were some of the most likely worldwide to be suffering from attacks on education in the last two years. Schools in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Mali had some of the highest reported attacks on schools while Nigeria and Burkina Faso had some of the highest reported attacks on students, teachers, and other education staff.5

In many West and Central African countries, where UNICEF reports that a quarter of all attacks on schools globally in 2018 occurred, militant groups such as Boko Haram (meaning Western Education is Forbidden) strongly oppose forms of Western and secular education. Between 2009-2017, in northeast Nigeria alone, roughly 1,400 schools were destroyed, 2,300 teachers killed, and 57% of schools were forced to close due to violence from Boko Haram.6 Ideologies held by groups like Boko Haram oppose education systems that value educating girls and have subsequently focused attacks on these institutions through mass kidnappings of schoolgirls.7

Attacks on education in Africa also come in the form of boys likely to be recruited into armed militias, girls likely to face gender-based sexual violence and early child marriages, and schools likely to be used for military purposes. These widespread threats of violence and insecurities have caused thousands of school doors and opportunities for millions of children throughout the continent to remain closed for years.

In addition to violence and conflict in the region, humanitarian crises such as food and water scarcity, and outbreaks of diseases have plagued education ambitions in Africa over the years. However, the recent Covid-19 pandemic caused an earth-shattering destruction to the goal of opening more doors of educational opportunities to the children of Africa like never before. While the pandemic has caused learning disruptions that have worsened learning outcomes globally, countries in Africa with lower levels of income, greater risk to humanitarian crises, and weaker education systems faced far greater consequences. In Africa, providing education remotely or returning safely to the classroom was a much more daunting challenge, thus exacerbating previous inequalities in educational outcomes between African and advanced countries.

The consequences of the pandemic on education in Africa has been dire. Younger children, girls, and students in rural or disadvantaged areas were those most likely to be left behind during the pandemic, and many children have since dropped out since their schools have reopened. In sub-Saharan Africa, it is estimated by UNESCO that 5 million students, mostly girls, will not return to school.8 Even in higher education, many African students struggled to access their learning with only 29% of institutions able to successfully transition to virtual learning while the majority of American and European universities did so with ease.9

China’s Footprint on Education in Africa

The disruption, poverty and uncertainty in the African education system leaves a void for China to exploit by building schools, teaching Mandarin, offering vocational training, forming education partnerships, investing in higher education, providing poverty assistance, and creating a pipeline of foreign exchange students. These are the ways in which China is using its soft power through education to ensure that future generations of Africans, according to an African educator, “will look to China rather than Europe and America for intellectual inspiration, leadership, and models of social and economic development.”10 A closer look at China’s footprint on the education system in Africa reveals a few innovations within the education sector:

Schools: According to Chinese media sources, China has built approximately 1,200 educational institutions in Africa.11 One example is in 2011 when the China Youth Development Foundation started Project Hope in Africa, building primary schools serving tens of thousands of students across the continent.12 Deborah Brautigam, author of The Dragon’s Gift, describes these schools as “something that is a showpiece, but difficult to sustain” and “that Chinese aid is all about politics, symbolism, and soft power.”13

Language Instruction: The Chinese Communist Party has been establishing roughly 1,000 Chinese language instruction centers at universities and classrooms around the world. According to the CCP, these Confucius Institutes (at universities) and Confucius Classrooms (at K-12) are designed, “to promote Chinese language and culture, support local Chinese teaching internationally, and facilitate cultural exchanges.”14 Some China scholars such as David Shambaugh view Confucious Institutes to be “fairly benign” and more about “language, culture, cooking, and film”15 rather than political influence. However, others have viewed them to be more nefarious such as the US State Department, who labeled Confucius Institutes as “a foreign mission of the People’s Republic of China” resulting in almost all of the 118 institutes at American universities to be closed.

In Africa, teaching Mandarin through these programs has become increasingly popular as more and more young Africans aspire to attend universities or work in China. With thousands of language instructors being sent to Africa, some have argued that these programs are being used to “play a positive role in promoting China's soft power and national interest in Africa.”16 This has many African educators and students concerned that these institutes “are doing an injustice to students by limiting their learning and exposure to different ideas” largely due to academic censorship in which “classes avoid subjects that are politically sensitive in China”17 such as Taiwan’s independence, Hong Kong’s National Security Law, and human rights violations in Xinjiang. Transparency around the curriculum and instruction should be prioritized in African countries to ensure that these institutes – that are funded and heavily monitored by Chinese government officials – are not being used for nefarious purposes.

Vocational Training: Outside of the classroom, China has looked to increase its influence through its many vocational training opportunities offered to Africans. During the most recent Forum on China Africa Cooperation in 2021, China and Africa mutually agreed upon a vocational education partnership that would focus on “training all types of professionals” and “creating job opportunities.”18 African students will be sent to China for job training and Luban Workshops – job training taught by Chinese instructors in Africa – that will continue to grow to teach vocational skills in a variety of fields such as “public health, public management, poverty alleviation, rural support, environment, climate change, finance, trade, new technology application and industrial development.”19 These Technical and Vocational Education Trainings (TVET) taught by Chinese post-grads, professionals and government officials, also expands to serving education policymakers, administrators, and teachers. It is estimated that China has delivered job skills training to up to 200,000 Africans in the last five years.

Foreign Exchange Programs: The last decade has seen China grow to the most popular destination for African students to study abroad, surpassing the US and France in recent years. A study by Michigan State University revealed that the number of African students studying in China has grown from 2,000 in 2003 to over 80,000 in 2018.20 While other countries, including the US, have increased their study abroad programs, no one has been able to keep up with China’s ambitious goal of building bridges with the future leaders of Africa. In the eyes of the Chinese government, providing scholarships for African students to study in China, “can translate into a willingness to work with China and view China’s internal or external policies favorably in the future.”21

Poverty assistance: To complement their education initiatives, the Chinese government has also taken into consideration addressing the needs of so many children in poverty. Through initiatives such as the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Africa-China Poverty Reduction and Development Conference, and the China-Africa Youth Exchange Program on Poverty Reduction and Development, China has been assisting local governments, businesses, and non-government organizations (NGOs) on providing poverty assistance to the region. In developing regions of Africa where there is often no access to food, drinking water, electricity, or paved roads, China seeks to invest and partner in these areas, often inspiring hope. For example, a program called “Free Lunch for Children” started in partnership by a Chinese philanthropist, NGO and the Social Welfare Foundation of China provides free meals for students in Kenya, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Nigeria, Malawi and Uganda.22 As often said in education, it is difficult for students to learn if Maslow’s Hierarchy of needs are not being met. China takes full advantage of this idea by offering assistance not just on food, but also in drinking water, unpaved roads, electricity and sanitation needs.

Consequences of China’s Educational Footprint

When China’s footprint in schools and in areas affecting young people expands – unrivaled by American competition and opportunities – their influence grows and a ripple effect of consequences ensues. So let’s take a look at exactly the consequences China has inflicted on themselves, while also taking a look at potential consequences for the US, the world, and Africa.

The CCP has recently implemented authoritarian policies on themselves such as their banning of private tutoring,23 strict video game restrictions on their kids24, and a ruthlessly repressive zero-covid strategy,25 just to name a few. If the US lets such a government who is obsessed with control operate unfettered in Africa, consequences will ensue for America and other value-aligned countries, diminishing Western values while allowing those of the Chinese government to continue to spread. The US cannot have countries in the largest, most rapidly growing region in the world adopting these values, for the world’s security interests and prosperity will be under threat. On his podcast Battlegrounds, H.R. McMaster claims that “Education is a precondition for democracy.”26 It can also be a precondition for authoritarianism and the type of countries that threaten global stability.

While the United States and the world would suffer from a greater Chinese presence in Africa, the people of the continent and their education system would suffer as well. In Africa, there have already been countless examples of racism and cultural intolerance by Chinese citizens to Africans in the last few years alone that warrants serious concern. In 2016, a viral Chinese laundry detergent ad had a Black man “cleaned” into a Chinese man.27 In 2018, a story from the New York Times highlighted the discrimination and blatant racism Kenyans faced when Chinese companies invested in their villages, and in this past year, a BBC Africa Eye documentary captured how a Chinese filmmaker living in Malawi, under the guise of being a language teacher, made thousands of dollars a day by forcing the children in the village to make humiliating videos unknowingly repeating things in Chinese like, “I am a black monster and my IQ is low.”28 Africans face discrimination not just at home but also abroad when they travel to China as foreign exchange students or for work. During the pandemic, multiple news stories arose of Africans living in China who were targeted with extensive quarantines, daily testing, evictions from their homes, and were refused business from restaurants and hotels, leading many to believe that Africans were being used as a “scapegoat for the virus.”29

Taking into consideration the past and current actions of the Chinese government, there are some questions that those in Africa should contemplate before agreeing to allow Chinese influence to expand in their lives. Do Africans want CCP authoritarian values being taught in their schools? That through high-tech digital surveillance, people’s footsteps both literally and digitally should be closely monitored as China does with its own citizens? Do the people of Africa want to send their children to school where foreign textbooks are banned and they are taught revised history lessons like the students in Hong Kong30 or how Confucius Institutes are now forced to do under Chinese supervision? Do they want teachers in Africa to shy away from topics that the Chinese government deems controversial such as the human rights violations against Uyghurs in Xinjiang? Do the people of Africa want their future leaders to be educated and heavily influenced by a country that jails and disappears their own citizens without due process for exercising individual liberties that most of the world would agree with?31

Case Study: Uganda

A specific example of a country in Africa that captures the themes of this article is Uganda. China’s relations with Uganda date back to the country’s independence in 1962 and have dramatically increased in the last decade becoming one of China’s top investments in Africa.32 In the words of Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni, "The Western companies have lost their spectacles; they no longer have the eyes to see opportunities. But the Chinese see opportunities, and they come, and they are knocking, they are coming very vigorously.”33 One sector in Uganda that has benefited from this is education where China has heavily invested in job training opportunities, Confucius Institutes, university partnerships, school construction, and scholarships.34

To gain a further understanding on not only China’s increased influence in Uganda, but also to learn how to offer a better alternative, I spoke to the founder and president of a US-based nonprofit which has been providing and improving educational opportunities for children in Uganda for over a decade. The founder first started the nonprofit when roughly 90% of the people in the Ugandan villages she visited asked for help specifically for their schools. Since the nonprofit has taken off and through the help of church partnerships in the region, she has hired trustworthy and successful leaders from the local populations to sustain and oversee operations while she is not on the ground. In building trust and winning over the hearts and minds of Ugandans, this nonprofit leader sought from the beginning to learn from her organization’s early mistakes such as realizing that Ugandan schools won’t operate like American schools and that they should operate in their culture, not America’s. This has been a humbling experience at times, but she mentions how deferring decisions to the local populations and consulting local leaders before decisions are made has led to the most success in their initiatives.

During her recent trips to the region, however, the founder brought up to me her concerns about the increasing Chinese footprint she has seen in Uganda. When she flies into the region, the airport – which had benefited from significant Chinese loans – is filled with many more people of Chinese descent when in the past the foreigners were mostly European or American. Then, she takes the new toll road from the airport – also built with the help of China – but the toll road is mostly empty as the tolls are far too costly for locals to use. The Chinese have acquired land and built banana plantations and plastic factories that are fenced in with barbed wires and guarded by Chinese security without uniforms. Seeing all of this is unsettling for her and many of the Ugandans she speaks to have mixed feelings about their freedom and how they are treated as workers by the Chinese supervisors who do not pay well.

Considering the schools her nonprofit partners with are mostly in rural, disadvantaged populations with ties to the church, she doesn’t believe the Chinese government would have as much interest in being as active in her schools as they are in the capital and larger cities. Other than one of her graduates being offered a scholarship to study in China – then having it taken away due to Covid restrictions – her school operations have not directly been affected by a growing Chinese influence yet. However, she is still concerned that as an American, there might be a day when she and other nonprofits won’t be allowed to go over there any longer to help.


To compete against Chinese influence in the education sector, the US does not need to outspend China, instead the US needs to become the better educational ally and partner through precisive and calculated persuasive engagements. In many ways, this can be achieved in a remote and cost-efficient manner. My recommendations (as doctrinally aligned with Field Manual (FM) 3-57, Civil Affairs Operations) for how Civil Affairs forces can do so:

Sustainable long-term development over flashy short-term wins. As mentioned previously, Deborah Brautigam best describes China’s development and investment in Africa as “something that is a showpiece, but difficult to sustain.”35 On the contrary, foreign assistance operations through Civil Affairs looks to “support a host nation by promoting sustainable development and growth of responsive institutions. The goal is to promote long-term regional stability.”36 Therefore, the US should instead choose solutions that are lasting and can practically be sustained by local populations. Sustainable results do not explicitly require a long-term presence or maximum oversight by Americans. Much of the lessons previously discussed from the Uganda case study offer a perfect model on how impactful and sustainable results can be achieved with minimal Americans on the ground, but strong networking and relationships with local populations.

Reinforce existing models that work. In education, there is often a tendency to constantly reinvent the wheel. Best practices and models are already taking place in Africa, the US should look to complement and reinforce what is working and what is wanted in the region. The key to this is an evaluation process conducted through civil reconnaissance to “enhance the situational understanding and decision making of the supported commanders.”37 In the education context, this will look like assessing the effectiveness of existing educational practices and institutions while also receiving feedback from all stakeholders involved including students, parents, educators, and local community members/leaders. By taking the time to evaluate what works and what is wanted in the region, forces will be able to most effectively utilize American resources for assistance, demonstrate American commitment to local autonomy, and make informed recommendations to commanders on the ground.

● Leadership development and local autonomy. “Civil affairs forces identify individuals, organizations, and existing networks of people who are able to provide civil information, produce desired effects, or fulfill resource requirements in the operational environment.”38 Former Marine intelligence officer and humanitarian, Rye Barcott, wrote about his NGOs experience in developing leaders in Nairobi, Kenya. In his memoir, It Happened On the Way to War, Barcott stresses the idea of participatory development which in his words, is “all about empowering local leaders” and “the opposite of colonial conquest.”39 African countries have long been victims of colonization in their history and as we see in the aforementioned Young African Youth Survey, 69% of young people say that they are concerned by the influence of foreign powers on their continent.40 By understanding these concerns, forces should look to implement initiatives that engage, develop, and empower local leaders to provide them with an autonomous alternative compared to the top-down, colonialist approach an authoritative government would offer.

Expand US focus to include not only poverty-ridden areas but also more affluent regions. For years, the US approach on Africa has rightfully been focused on development in war-torn and impoverished areas of the region. The US should continue to assist in developing these vulnerable areas and do everything to expand inclusive educational opportunities for these children. However, America’s educational fight in Africa should not only be limited to these vulnerable populations but should also focus on how middle-class and affluent populations in Africa are being educated. As discussed before, China’s Ministry of Education invests in these more affluent regions' education systems through their partnerships, exchange programs, and language instruction offerings, just to name a few. When CA forces look to expand America’s footprint and influence, the direction is to “engage the right sources of leadership and influence.”41 In Africa, that will look like spending more time in the education settings of the more affluent and elite populations who will most likely be the future leaders of Africa.

Continue to differentiate America and American values from the CCP. The US needs to be equipped to tell the stories of the CCP and what a relationship with an authoritative government could mean for those in Africa. Here in America, citizens warn and educate one another on the dangers of predatory loan sharks, internet safety, and even something as simple as taking candy from a stranger. There’s no reason why the American military can’t do the same in Africa and campaign (whether on the ground or on social media, etc.) on the dangers of doing business with the CCP – especially in regard to such an important and formative sector of government like education. In this competition phase, CA forces are tasked to “compete with adversaries to gain positions of advantage,” and “build partner capacity to deny freedom of maneuver or action to near peer adversaries.”42 Therefore, being well-versed and prepared to inform local populations and leaders on the benefits of an American system of governance vs. China’s, to disrupt and deny their influence in the region.


From the Marshall Plan through the Cold War and to today, US foreign investment has not been “a mindless act of charity” in the words of former Washington Post columnist, Charles Krauthammer, but has been “an exercise in enlightened self-interest.”43 Investing in education systems globally should be done for moral reasons such as providing safe and inclusive schooling opportunities to bring literacy and prosperity for all, however, it should also be done to combat the spread of ideologies and influences that are antithetical and hostile to American interests. Global Power Competition begins in the classroom where the US military has the competitive advantage to compete without escalating tensions. If the US is to cede influence in this sphere and let competitors such as China write the history books in African schools, then future battles for influence in Africa and globally will already be lost before they are even fought.

About the Author: Captain Ryan Hooper is a 38G Military Government Specialist with a 6D (Education) skill identifier. He is a teacher in Philadelphia, PA, and has written on education issues in nationally publicized outlets. Ryan is presently assigned to the 354th Civil Affairs Brigade in White Plains, Maryland.

Disclaimer: The opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied above are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of any organization or any entity of the U.S. government.


1. Katie Reilly, “How School Boards Became a Frontline in Partisan Warfare,” Time, 23 March 2022.

2. The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, Education Action Plan for the Belt and Road Initiative, 13 July 2016,

3. Colonel Joe Bruhl, “America Ignores Africa at its Own Peril,” War on the Rocks, 14 June 2022.

4. Ichikowitz Family Foundation (2022), African Youth Survey 2022, White Paper,

5. “Education under attack 2022,” Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack, (2022).

6. “Education under attack in Borno,” UNICEF Nigeria, 29 September 2017.

7. Landry Signé, “Boko Haram's campaign against education and enlightenment,” Brookings Institution (Blog), 26 February 2018.

8. Shem Bodo, “Lessons on the impact of COVID-19 on girls education in Africa,” The Global Partnership for Education Knowledge and Innovation Exchange (Blog), 8 March 2022.

9. Peter Koninckx, Cunégonde Fatondji, and Joel Burgos, “COVID-19 impact on higher education in Africa,” OECD: Development Matters, 19 May 2021.

10. Eric Fredua, “What is China's higher education agenda in Africa?” University World News, 21 November 2020.

11. “China-Africa ties grow stronger amid COVID-19 challenges,”, 24 November 2021.

12. The State’s Council of the People’s Republic of China, China-Africa Project Hope launches new school constructions in Africa, 8 October 2015,

13. Deborah Brautigam, “The Real Story: School Construction: World Bank versus China,” China in Africa (Blog), 29 January 2013.

14. “Confucius Institutes Refocus on Chinese Language,” Language Magazine. 31 July 2020.

15. China Power Team, "Is China’s Soft Power Strategy Working?" China Power, August 26, 2020,

16. Siyuan Li, “China's Confucius Institute in Africa: a different story?” International Journal of Comparative Education and Development 23, Issue 4 (2021): Findings, accessed 26 July 2022.

17. Victoria Amunga, “Self-Censoring by Chinese Educational, Cultural Program Worries African Educators,” VOA News, 13 December 2021.

18. H.E. Zhang Yiming, “China-Africa Cooperation Enters a New Stage and Implements a New Plan,” speech from the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of Namibia, 21 January 2022,

19. H.E. Zhang Yiming, “China-Africa Cooperation Enters a New Stage and Implements a New Plan,” speech from the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in the Republic of Namibia, 21 January 2022.

20. Victoria Breeze, “Update to: Stats on International Students Studying in China.” VB Geography (Blog). 26 June 2019.

21. Victoria Breeze and Nathan Moore, “China tops US and UK as destination for anglophone African students.” The Conversation, 27 June 2017.

22. Li Xiaoyu, “Feeding the Children,” China Today, 11 March 2022.

23. Hellen Davidson and Jason Lu, “China's crackdown on tutoring leaves parents with new problems,” The Guardian, 3 August 2021.

24. “China limits children to 3 hours of online gaming a week,” AP News, 30 August 2021.

25. Huileng Tan, “China's Zero Covid Policy: Reasons, Concerns, Global Economy Fallout,” Business Insider, 13 August 2022.

26. H.R. McMaster, “Russian Opposition: Foundations of the Totalitarian State and Forces for Freedom,” Battlegrounds: International Perspectives, produced by Hoover Institution, Stanford University, podcast, 31 March 2022,

27. “Racism in a Chinese laundry detergent advertisement,” Nation Africa, 27 May 2016, video, 0:48,

28. Runako Celina and Henry Mhango, “Racism for Sale - BBC Africa Eye documentary.” BBC News Africa, 12 June 2022, video, 49:05,

29. Jenni Marsh and Shawn Deng, “Africans in Guangzhou left homeless amid rising xenophobia as China fights a second wave of coronavirus,” CNN, 12 April 2020.

30. Eric Cheung, “China bans foreign teaching materials in public schools.” CNN, 8 January 2020.

31. Alexandra Ma, “How China Deals With Dissent: Threats to Family, Arrests, Breaking in,” Business Insider, 19 August 2018.

32. Julius Luwemba, “Uganda, China hold investment meeting ahead of 60 years anniversary,” New Vision, 22 January 2022.

33. Elias Biryabarema and Karin Strohecker, “EXCLUSIVE Western companies are blind to Ugandan investments - President Museveni.” Reuters, 5 December 2021.

34. Ndamaje Francis, “China-Uganda relations: What are the benefits?” Nile Post, 6 June 2022.

35. Deborah Brautigam, “The Real Story: School Construction: World Bank versus China,” China in Africa (Blog), 29 January 2013.

36. Department of the Army, Field Manual (FM) 3-57, Civil Affairs Operations (Washington, DC: U.S.

37. FM 3-57, 1-7.

38. FM 3-57, 2-12.

39. Rye Barcott, It Happened On the Way to War: A Marine’s Path to Peace (New York: Bloomsbury, 2012) 163.

40. Ichikowitz Family Foundation (2022), African Youth Survey 2022, White Paper,

41. FM 3-57, v.

42. FM 3-57, 2-7.

43. Charles Krauthammer, “Trump’s foreign policy revolution,” The Washington Post, 26 January 2017.


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